??为了让我们心里更结壮，也进一步助力我们在考场中旗开取胜，暖暖在接下来的日子里会陪同我们学习总结外刊中的抢手论题句型哦~?醴秸搿笔窃勖潜灸曜钊鹊穆厶庵弧６憧吹健8趼厶狻笔保遣皇侵荒芟氲礁ǖ蓟狗追惫孛判的兀拷袢赵勖抢赐鼗囊幌滤嘉鸭幌掠泄亍8醴秸搿钡墓勰盥劬荨Ｔ难∽跃醚恕?

?醴秸搿?该如何得到写作高分？一、对学校教育的情绪【撑持情绪】观念：economists
tend to be big fans of education, which is perhaps not surprising given
how much of it they consume and how well their textbooks can do.经济学家一般是教育的忠诚撑持者，这或许并不新鲜，究竟他们自个花费了那么多教育，而他们的教科书有时极为成功。实际论据：① alfred marshall, writing in1873, hoped that education would help erase the “distinction between working men and gentlemen”.阿尔弗雷德·马歇尔（alfred marshall）在1873年写道，他期望教育能有助于消除“劳作者和绅士之间的不一样”。②
gary becker of the university of chicago reimagined education as an
investment in “human capital” that would earn a return in the market
much like other assets.?芝加哥大学的加里·贝克尔（gary becker）将教育从头界说为对“人力本钱”的出资，会在商场上收成酬谢，就跟其他类型的资产差不多。③
harvard university’s greg mankiw, whose books have educated more than
most, once calculated that differences in human capital between
countries could account for much of their otherwise inexplicable
differences in prosperity.哈佛大学的格雷格·曼昆（greg mankiw）的作品辅导的人数之多出类拔萃。他早年核算过，人力本钱的差异或许能在很大程度上说明各国在昌盛程度上令人隐晦的差异。【对立情绪】观念：but economics can also be scathing about schooling.可是经济学也会严肃批判学校教育。引证证明：①
the theory of signalling likens many educational credentials to
peacock’s tails: costly encumbrances, useful only as conspicuous proof
that their owners are intellectually strong enough to bear them. 信号理论把许多教育证书比作孔雀的尾巴：不过是名贵的负担，仅有的用处就是充当显眼的根据，证明持证人的智力水平满足拿下一纸证书。②
and in “the social limits to growth”, a book published in 1976, fred
hirsch, once a writer for this newspaper, pointed out that education is
often “positional” in nature. what matters is not only how much you
have, but whether you have more than the next person. for many students
it is not enough merely to acquire a good education. they must obtain a
better education than the people jostling with them in the queue for
sought-after jobs.在1976年出书的《生长的社会捆绑》（the social limits to
growth）一书中，曾为本刊撰稿的弗雷德·赫希（fred
hirsch）指出，教育在本质上一般是“方位性的”（positional）。重要的不只是是你具有多少，还要看你是不是比另一自个具有更多。对许多学生来说，只是受过杰出的教育是不可的。他们受的教育有必要比那些跟自个一道争夺抢手作业的人非常好才行。

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二、各国当前教育情况these
arms races are often particularly ferocious in east asia. in china and
south korea, schoolchildren face nationwide “high-stakes” tests—the
gaokao in china and the suneung in south korea—that play a big role in
determining whether and where they can go to university. 这样的军备竞赛在东亚一般尤为剧烈。在我国和韩国，学生要面临全国性的“孤注一掷”的考试——我国的高考和韩国的“修能”(suneung)。他们能否上大学、能上哪里的大学，这场考试的成果无关宏旨。实际论据：in
china’s cities, pupils spent 10.6 hours a week on after-school
tutoring, according to a report by frost & sullivan, a
market-research firm.商场研讨公司弗若斯特沙利文(frost & sullivan)的一份陈述闪现，在我国的城市里，学生每周花10.6小时承受课外辅导。

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三、双减方针的出台观念：the governments in both countries have tried to orchestrate a kind of collective disarmament. 两国政府都已测验组织某种方法的集体裁军。各国行动：韩国：south
korea imposed a 10pm curfew on cramming schools in 2009. inspectors
would go on patrol looking for schools with their lights on. (some
schools covered their windows with black tape.) 韩国在2009年需求补习班晚上10点前关门，查看员会巡视，看哪家还亮着灯。(有些补习班会用黑色胶带遮住窗户。)我国：china
has been introducing restrictions on after-school tutoring at an
increasing pace since 2021. last month it barred tutoring firms from
listing on the stock-market, raising foreign capital or making a profit.
the strictures ?have wiped tens of billions of dollars off the market
value of china’s once-booming edtech sector.自2021年起，我国捆绑课后辅导的脚步越来越快。7月，课外辅导公司被阻止上市、筹措外资或盈利。这些捆绑致使我国一度昌盛的教育科技领域市值缩水数百亿美元。四、行动影响will
these measures work? it is almost impossible to stop families hiring
private tutors to teach their children in their own homes. and if shadow
education is successfully curtailed, the arms race can take different
forms. parents who cannot buy a better education directly can instead
buy homes near better schools. a study by xuejuan su of the university
of alberta and huayi yu of renmin university found that when the
management of a public elementary school in beijing is taken over by
another better-regarded school, property prices nearby rise by an
average of 7%.这些办法会收效吗?要阻挡家庭请私家教师上门辅导孩子几乎不可以能。而且，就算成功捆绑了影子教育，军备竞赛也可以会以另外的方法呈现。父母若不能直接收购非常好的教育，可以就会把房子买在非常好的学校邻近。阿尔伯塔大学(university
of alberta)
的苏雪娟(音译)和我国公民大学的余华义的一项研讨发现，当北京一所公立大学被另一所口碑非常好的学校接收，邻近的房价均匀上涨了7%。

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五、处置办法观念1：both china and south korea have begun promoting vocational education. 我国和韩国都现已初步推开作业教育。实际论据：①
china’s latest five-year plan (which concludes in 2025) promises to
explore an “apprenticeship system with chinese characteristics” and to
“vigorously cultivate talents with technical skills”, according to one
translation. 一份材料闪现，我国最新的五年方案(2025年结束)承诺探究“我国特征的学徒制”，要“大力培育技能技能人才”。② some of the edtech firms squeezed out of after-school tutoring are exploring vocational education instead.一些被挤出课后辅导的教育科技公司正转而探究作业教育。观念2：germany’s
custom of placing children on different tracks at age ten or 11 also
invites an interesting thought experiment. what if the gaokao (and
similar tests) were held earlier in a pupil’s career? 像德国那样在孩子们十岁或十一岁就将他们送上不一样轨迹的惯常做法也促进咱们打开一场风趣的思维实验。假定高考和类似的考试在学生肄业时刻提前一些举办会如何?道理证明：if
these exams truly test the knowledge required for university, they must
be held just before university starts. but if such tests mostly serve
as filters, sifting better students from worse, they need not be held so
late. an aptitude test at 16 years of age, say, will probably generate a
similar ranking as one held two years later. 假定这些考试真的是查验上大学需要掌控的常识，那就有必要在接近读大学时举办。可是，假定它们首要是为了充当过滤器，以便把非常好的学生和较差的学生区别开来，那就没必要举办得那么晚。假定学生们在16岁时参加一场才干查验，这和两年后才承受查验生成的排名很可以会差不多。the
tests would remain stressful. but an earlier gaokao would save families
a year or two of costly cramming, shortening “the obstacle course”, as
hirsch put it, without much changing the results. such tests will always
have high stakes. but they need not require such high effort.这场考试仍然会让人倍感压力。但提前举办高考将可为家庭节约一两年名贵的考前恶补费用——用赫希的说法就是缩短“妨碍赛跑道”——一起不致影响成果多少。这样的考试一向都会事关严峻，但不需要再为之投入

那么多了。

（图像来历于网络）????